The story that led Bhutan to become a major player in the conflicts between China and India | world

Bhutan, in the Himalayas, lies between two Asian giants, China and India. And this unique geographic location comes at a price.

It is one of two countries with outstanding border issues with China. The other is India – its border with China in the Himalayas has long been a bone of contention.

Chinese growth has been pressuring the government of Thimphu – the capital of Bhutan – to sign an agreement with Beijing, but any potential progress will need India’s approval.

India maintains a close relationship with the Bhutanese. The New Delhi government has provided hundreds of millions of dollars in military and economic support to the small Himalayan ally.

With China, Bhutan maintains territorial disputes in the north and west, in the mountain range.

Among the disputed locations, the main issue lies on a strategic plateau called Doklam. It is close to the tri-border area between India, China and Bhutan. Beijing and Thimphu claim the area for themselves, while India supports the Bhutanese position.

New Delhi has its own reasons for supporting the neighboring country. Experts say the Doklam plateau is of great importance to India’s security, as China’s eventual dominance of the region could threaten the Siliguri Corridor, known as the “chicken neck” – a 22-kilometre strip linking India’s northeastern states with the rest of the country.

A recent interview Bhutanese Prime Minister Lutay Tshering gave to the Belgian newspaper La Libre reminded the country of its limits.

“We are ready. As soon as the other two parties are ready, we can discuss,” Chering was quoted as saying.

The prime minister also expressed his hope that Bhutan and China could demarcate part of their borders in one or two meetings.

The two countries have been negotiating a border since 1984, and Tshering claims there has been no Chinese interference in Bhutanese territory.

The Prime Minister’s remarks alarmed India.

Many analysts have expressed concern about the possibility of quid pro quo deals between Bhutan and China involving the tri-border area.

Some of them claim that Thimphu is not putting enough pressure on his claims about Doklam.

“India fears that China will pressure the Bhutanese government to define borders to annoy New Delhi,” says former Indian diplomat P. Stopdhan, an expert on the Himalayas.

“It is clear that the Bhutanese intend to speed up the process of resolving their differences, and there have been changes in the Bhutanese position recently regarding China’s role in resolving the dispute,” he said.

After the uproar in the Indian press, Tshering clarified his comments in early May. “I didn’t say anything new and attitude [do Butão] “It hasn’t changed,” the prime minister said in an interview.

While many Bhutanese were surprised by the reaction to Tshering’s comments in the Indian press, China’s view is that Bhutan will struggle to reach an agreement without Indian support.

Liu Zongyi of the Shanghai Institute of International Studies in China told the BBC that India is the stumbling block here. “If China and Bhutan also solve the border issue, only India will remain.”

Beijing and Thimphu were close to reaching a final agreement in 1996, but Indian interference prevented this, according to Liu. Border issues between Bhutan and China are also linked to decades of tension between Beijing and New Delhi over their borders.

The border between the two countries is not fully demarcated and there are overlapping territorial claims. India claims 3,488 km of border; To China about 2000 km.

The border actually begins in the Ladakh region, in northern India, and continues as far as the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh (which China calls southern Tibet) in the east.

China’s rise in military and economic power is also eagerly followed by many Bhutanese. They believe the best thing for the country is to reach an agreement with Beijing soon.

India and Bhutan signed a special treaty in 1949, which took into account New Delhi’s security concerns. But a revised treaty in 2007 gave Bhutan more freedom in the areas of foreign policy and military procurement.

Hundreds of Indian soldiers are stationed in Bhutanese territory. Officials say they provide training to the country’s forces. The Ha military headquarters is located in western Bhutan, about 20 km from the Doklam plateau.

Bhutanese commentators such as Wangcha Sangey believe that Bhutan could have come to terms with China on the border had it not been for India’s insistence that Doklam remain under Bhutanese rule.

Analysts like Sanji argue that since Bhutan relies on imports from India for most of its needs, especially oil, the country must diversify its suppliers, opening another path with its northern neighbor, China.

The Bhutanese prime minister’s remarks drew a cautious response from the Indian Ministry of External Affairs.

“India and Bhutan remain in close contact, in close coordination with regard to our common national interests, including security interests,” Vinay, the permanent secretary of India’s Ministry of External Affairs, told reporters in early April Mohan Quatra.

India does not want major realignments around Doklam, given its strategic importance. But for a country like Bhutan, it can be difficult to pressure Beijing to drop its claim.

Bhutan could be in a great geographic location, coupled with two emerging economies, at a time when people are debating the possibility of this being the century of Asia. But if tensions persist between Beijing and New Delhi, the tiny country could find itself in an increasingly fragile position.